Do who believe that
Ajit Singh Sandhu is alive consider this K.P.S. Gill's letter to
Prime Minister I.K. Gujral as a part of inhuman National Policy and
Strategy being confessed openly or bogus?
Whether the publicity
of the story that Ajit Singh Sandhu being alive like other “cats” is
to terrorize Sikhs forever?
Who are parties to
this inhuman ‘National Policy and Strategy’ within and outside?
Who will answer,
inquire and punish for the people shown ‘Killed’ in place of these
“cats” and the persons claimed to be alive?
Balbir Singh Sooch,
Chief and Spokesperson
Sikh Vichar Manch
September 20, 2007
Text of K.P.S. Gill's letter to Prime Minister
I.K. Gujral on the death of Ajit Singh Sandhu
Points at glance:
Constitutional Commission should be set up!!!
1. I am writing
to you on my return to Delhi from the funeral of SSP A.S. Sandhu.
2. The real
question is whether a strategy of State Terrorism was adopted by the
police; and the answer is unequivocally in the negative.
Policy and Strategy') against terrorists gave the latter four options. The first three
were conventional measures of response: the possibilities of
(meaning: take into custody, capture, detain, catch, take in for
questioning, pick up etc),
journey, voyage, passage, crossing, go in a boat, travel by water,
air travel, put out to sea etc to abroad),
(Meaning: fortified, carrying weapon, equipped, prepared etc)
engagement. The fourth option was offered in the later phases of the
campaign. The terrorists were told that, if they chose
(meaning: lay down your arms, admit defeat, submit, yield, give in,
give up etc),
they would be welcomed and embraced with warmth. At first all
surrenders took place in my presence and in some cases in the
presence of the then Chief Minister. But after a while the deluge
became difficult to handle, and SSPs were authorised to accept
surrenders. The largest number of surrenders were before SSP A.S.
Sandhu. And yet, he was a "blood thirsty man"!
CATEGORIES of terrorists AND THE officers in all
branches of Government and Administration involved in the
‘National Policy and Strategy’
MUST BE IDENTIFIED BY A CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION FOR
*Arrest meaning: take
into custody, capture, detain, catch, take in for questioning, pick
trip, journey, voyage, passage, crossing, go in a boat, travel by
water, air travel, put out to sea etc to abroad
fortified, carrying weapon, equipped, prepared
****Surrender meaning: lay down your arms, admit defeat, submit,
yield, give in, give up etc
The Sikhs and others who were picked up spontaneously, unplanned
manner surprisingly and later on killed, eliminated, liquidated,
shown disappeared etc all including the given categories
(the Punjab police not
only used “cats but also rats, bats, camels and the ilk…..”)
according to police are required to be identified by a
'Constitutional Commission' for facing justice and similar is the
demand of former DGP K.P.S. GILL
who clearly says that no
government shall agree and allow to come out truth about the
strategy of State Terrorism.
NOW HOW AND WHAT TO
CONCLUDE THAT WHO IS WHO?
THEN WHERE IS THE JUSTICE?
30th May, 1997
The Hon’ble Prime Minister,
Government of India,
Dear Prime Minister,
I am writing to you on my
return to Delhi from the funeral of SSP A.S. Sandhu.
maintained a silence on events in Punjab for over two years in the
hope that the leadership of the nation will do justice, now that
peace has returned to the state, to those brave men and women who
made this peace possible.
1.2 Recent events,
however, force me to speak out now; a continued silence on my part
would be a betrayal of trust, an abdication of responsibility. I
cannot remain silent when the memory of the men who sacrificed their
lives under my command is denigrated; and when those who have
survived the greatest of dangers and made immeasurable sacrifices in
campaigns during a virulent proxy war are subjected to an
unprecedented and unprincipled inquisition.
1.3 Men in the uniformed
services are bound by a rigid discipline that imposes a code of
silence on them, even when they are subjected to the greatest
injustices. It is a measure of their commitment that, despite the
deepest despair among the rank and file of the Punjab police,
brought into dramatic focus by A.S. Sandhu’s suicide, no voice has
been raised in protest.
1.4 I owe these men a
debt of gratitude, as I believe this entire nation does. I therefore
wish to draw your attention, and through you, the attention of the
Minister for Home Affairs, the Indian Legislature and Judiciary, to
urgent and distressing realities of the Punjab situation.
2.1 You have most
perceptively observed, on your recent visit to the state, that the
battle in Punjab was the nation’s battle, and that, consequently,
the entire nation must share its costs. But what about those who
were at the vanguard of this battle? Having served the national
cause, are they now simply to be forgotten? Or worse, to be
persecuted with impunity?
2.2 You are known to
appreciate the finer nuances of Urdu poetry. Ram Prasad ‘Bismil’s’
lines can perhaps best express the sentiments of the ordinary
policeman of Punjab today:
Ham bhi bach sakte the
ghar pe reh kar,
Ham ko bhi maan baap ne paala tha dukh seh seh kar.
2.3 For over a decade,
to wear a police uniform in the Punjab was to proclaim yourself a
willful target for preferential terrorist attack. Yet thousands of
men in uniform stood as a bulwark of democracy against the
unconstrained depredations of the extremists. Thousands sacrificed
their lives. Thousands of others witnessed the murder of their
parents, their brothers and sisters, their wives and their children.
2.4 At this time, the
actions - or the failure to act - of every other branch of
Government demonstrated their abject surrender before terrorism. But
officers from these services are today enjoying the fruits of peace
2.5 This is an old
story. Those who do nothing, those who risk nothing, not only ensure
their survival; they equally ensure that they will return to
positions of power and pelf, their "honour" intact. But the best of
men, who put their lives on the line, having survived the guns of
the terrorists, find themselves targets of a sustained and vicious
campaign of calumny, of institutional hostility and State
2.6 The ultimate irony
is that the instruments and institutions of democracy are, today,
arrayed against the very people who made democracy possible in
Punjab. For those who were comprehensively defeated in the battle
for ‘Khalistan’, ‘public interest’ litigation has become the most
convenient strategy for vendetta.
2.7 The ‘targets’ of
this vendetta are being denied even the basic minimum of an
impartial investigation and competent defence; even the uniform and
equitable application of peacetime laws and processes.
Simultaneously, they are subjected to a sustained process of ‘trial
by the Press’ in which utter falsehoods are reported as truths
without qualification, even though the matters that are written of
are sub judice.
2.8 At the same time,
the doctrine of equality before law is invoked to incarcerate police
officers with the very terrorists they fought and protected the
nation from. No thought is given and no provision made for their
security. These officers are assaulted in jail, and no visible
action is taken against their attackers. The State’s mechanism
for investigation and litigation is disproportionately focused
against the police even as many of the terrorist leaders who
inspired and participated in some of the most heinous crimes walk
2.9 It appears almost
as if the State is discriminating between terrorists and policemen
in favour of the former.
3.1 The question
repeatedly asked in this context is, ‘Were they any police
excesses?’ Only a liar or a fool would deny that random excesses
occurred in a campaign of the magnitude and duration of the struggle
in Punjab. Wherever such excesses were detected, action was
The real question is whether a strategy of State
Terrorism was adopted by the police; and the answer is unequivocally
in the negative.
3.2 The evidence is
visible everywhere in the Punjab. The victory over terrorism was not
merely a military victory, it was a moral victory. Nowhere in the
world has State Terrorism, irrespective of how many people it killed
or tortured, ever been able to extinguish an ideology as completely
as the idea of Khalistan has been extinguished in Punjab. An idea
can never be destroyed by violence. Blood fuels revolution. Each
police excess creates new enemies for the force and for the State it
represents. Police excesses of the magnitude being alleged would
have created an ever-widening base of support for terrorism.
Instead, it was the support of the people in Punjab that made the
decisive win over the militants a possibility. Sickened by the
extremists’ acts of senseless violence, it was the people who opened
the floodgates of information to the police. The victory over the
venomous advocates of Khalistan was a people’s victory. That is why
there is such a mood of celebration and freedom in Punjab today.
Were this not so, terrorism would still be an overwhelming reality
in the state.
3.3 The police strategy
against terrorists gave the latter four options. The first three
were conventional measures of response: the possibilities of arrest,
flight, or armed engagement. The fourth option was offered in the
later phases of the campaign. The terrorists were told that, if they
chose surrender, they would be welcomed and embraced with warmth. At
first all surrenders took place in my presence and in some cases in
the presence of the then Chief Minister. But after a while the
deluge became difficult to handle, and SSPs were authorised to
accept surrenders. The largest number of surrenders were before SSP
A.S. Sandhu. And yet, he was a "blood thirsty man"!
3.4 It must,
nonetheless, be recognised that the situation that prevailed in
Punjab for over a decade was a state of war - a proxy war, perhaps;
"low intensity conflict" as others prefer to term it - but war,
nonetheless. The Punjab Police and various central forces were
engaged, not in simple law enforcement activities, but a battle to
retain control over large areas of the sovereign territory of the
Union, against an utterly unscrupulous and heavily armed enemy who
recognised no constraints.
4.1 It is for your
government and for the nation’s Parliament to debate on, and define,
the appropriate criteria to judge the actions of those who fought
this war on behalf of the Indian State and people. What you decide
will have far-reaching consequences for other theatres of current
conflict. A great urgency must attach to these initiatives, if
future tragedies are to be averted. A delay in addressing these
issues will affect the destiny of India far more than any other
single decision your government may currently be contemplating.
4.2 Low intensity wars
are presently being fought by our forces in Kashmir, in Assam, in
Manipur in Nagaland, and in Tripura. India, in fact, is being
subjected to a systematic and sustained strategy of destabilisation
from within and without, a strategy that preys on every incidence of
local disaffection; it is imperative that we should define a
systematic and proactive strategic response to this challenge.
4.3 The low intensity
war that took place in Punjab, and those occurring in other areas of
the country today reflect a pattern that can only be expected to
grow in the future. Unfortunately, these are still dismissed by the
national leadership as ‘non-military threats’ and an ill equipped
Home Ministry is required to deal with them. The result is that the
Army is repeatedly called out in these conflicts to ‘aid civil
authority’. The fact is that neither the police nor the army, by
virtue of their basic orientation and training, are properly
equipped to handle these crises.
5.1 There is another
vital issue that I would like to raise here. In a democracy, the
conduct of every arm of government, every wing of the State, must be
subject to review. And yet, the conduct of the judiciary throughout
the years of terror in
Punjab has completely
5.2 What is to be
said of judges who failed to consider overwhelming evidence of the
most heinous crimes? Who failed to administer justice according to
the laws of the land for over a decade in terrorist related cases?
Even in a case as fully documented as Operation Black Thunder, where
the entire action was carried out in full view of the media, not a
single conviction was pronounced.
6. I urge upon your
government to take up these issues urgently and seriously and to
take necessary steps, in combination and co-ordination with all
other arms of India’s democratic polity, to ensure necessary action
on the following:
6.1.1 In view of the
future threat potential of low intensity wars, it is crucial that a
radical reformation of internal security forces be initiated,
creating the skills, knowledge, attitudes and infrastructure
necessary to confront this danger, and possibly raising entirely new
forces to grapple with this specific hazard.
6.1.2 The parameters
within which each agency of government must respond to such
challenges should also be debated in detail by your government and
by the legislature. The powers, the range of extraordinary actions
permitted in these situations, and the applicable legal criteria and
context of evaluation of these actions - whether these are the same
as those applicable in peacetime or are to be akin to articles of
war, or are to be redefined in terms of the new category of "low
intensity wars" - should be clearly determined and suitably
6.1.3 Until the
necessary criteria are sufficiently debated, defined and legislated,
immediate steps should be taken to ensure that the pattern of
humiliation through litigation and trial by the media is prevented
forthwith. This trend of ‘punishment before trial’ must cease
6.1.4 Police personnel
who may be facing charges should be assured a fair investigation and
a fair trial. To this end, the State must create a fund to ensure
that the best legal assistance, advice and representation are made
available to them.
6.1.5 Police personnel
under investigation or trial should be incarcerated only if there
are sufficient grounds to believe they are attempting to coerce
witnesses, destroy evidence, or in any other way to distort the
processes of justice. In every such case due care must be taken to
ensure their safety in jail so that the unforgivable incidents of
the past are not repeated.
6.2 Lest any of this be
misinterpreted or misrepresented as a plea for ‘immunity’, let me
state explicitly that I am not asking for immunity, either for any
member of the Punjab Police, or for myself. But let the
investigations and trials be according to the laws of the land, and
let the special circumstances that prevailed in Punjab be taken into
consideration by the statutes applied. Investigations and trials
should not proceed according to the processes that are being
improvised from day to day to implicate the police in Punjab.
6.3 A Constitutional
Commission should be set up to examine the records of judicial
processes and judgments during the years of terrorism in Punjab; to
identify the judicial officers who failed to discharge their
Constitutional obligations, and to honour their oath to dispense
justice without fear or favour; to determine their accountability;
and to take suitable action to ensure that the judicial and criminal
justice system does not collapse or fail ever again in the face of
6.4 As a corollary to
the preceding point, a Commission also needs to be appointed to
identify officers in all branches of Government and Administration
who were guilty of willful and gross dereliction of duty during this
period, in order to ensure a system in which acts of cravenness are
punished rather than, as is the present case, rewarded.
These steps demand the
active involvement and participation of the judicial and legislative
wings of the State. I am, therefore, taking the liberty of sending
copies of this letter to the Chief Justice of India, the Speaker of
the Lok Sabha and the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha.
K P S Gill